Nepal
in Crisis 2006: Facts
|
Terrorism
or liberation? Life in a rebel-held village
|
 |
KATHMANDU,
20 February 2006 (IRIN)
When
the clock strikes four in the morning, Lambu Lama and his family rush out
of their home in a Maoist stronghold of Nepal. Rebels use the storeroom
at the back of Lama's house to clean and repair small arms and construct
bombs. During the day, the orchards around his hilltop house echo to the
sound of rifles cracking, as new recruits are initiated in the use of weapons.
 |
<<
Young female Maoists seeking refuge in a poor farmer's house. The family
feels uncomfortable about their presence - they fear the reaction of the
security forces if they find out that the family has sheltered rebels.
Lama,
his wife and two daughters, who did not invite the rebels in, have no choice
but to stay away from their property for the whole day. They return home
only to cook for the rebels. "It's a daily routine for us, but we get really
scared when we think of what happens when the security forces arrive,"
said Lama as he helped his wife to wash rice before the evening meal.
The
family's fear is well placed. In September 2005, a squad of Royal Nepalese
Army (RNA) soldiers came to the village and beat up Lama, accusing him
of aiding the rebels. "I"m lucky that I am alive and I was not arrested,"
he recalled. |
|
For
many villagers like the Lama family, living in a Maoist-controlled community
is fraught with difficulty. The rebels ensure that the village in question
has no contact with the outside world. As a result, most residents here
have never met a government official, a state teacher, nurse, development
worker or a foreigner. "Not that we saw many government people before [the
rebellion]," Lama noted.
For
many villagers like the Lama family, living in a Maoist-controlled community
is fraught with difficulty. The rebels ensure that the village in question
has no contact with the outside world. As a result, most residents here
have never met a government official, a state teacher, nurse, development
worker or a foreigner. "Not that we saw many government people before [the
rebellion]," Lama noted.
Movement
is severely restricted. Leaving the village without a permit from the local
rebel chief, is punishable by death. Many people who fall sick are forced
to leave clandestinely to seek treatment in towns. They never return, fearing
retribution.
The
rebels reciprocate to some extent. Between their armed operations and their
drill, they help villagers graze animals, clean houses and till the rice
farms. The poorest villagers are sympathetic towards the rebels, harbouring
the hope that one day they help will bring rural development and provide
economic opportunities.
There
have been improvements for some under the rebels. Some villagers told IRIN
there was now less exploitation and intimidation by absentee landlords,
or those from higher castes. In many areas, the rebels have banned the
traditional exploitative system of Bali Pratha through which the Dalits
- the lowest caste - had to be labourers for the higher caste, and were
only paid with a few lentils and crops once a year for all their work.
"Now I can make money for every effort I make," said 32-year-old tailor
Tara Pariyar.
 |
<<
Many children in the village of Chisapani were born since the start of
the Maoist rebellion in 1996. They are accustomed to witnessing conflict
between armed rebels and soldiers. Counsellors are concerned that without
guidance, these children will suffer psychologically in the long-term.
Civilians,
especially those in heavily contested rural districts, have been exposed
to a catalogue of abuses at the hands of both sides. The Maoists have killed,
intimidated or coerced local government officials, such as local village
leaders, teachers and political workers. They have harassed civilians suspected
of having government or military sympathies and abducted school children
into their indoctrination programmes. |
|
They
have also restricted freedom of movement of civilians, extorted money or
demanded taxes for goods and services. This has had implications for agricultural
and livestock production, food security and market access.
On
the other hand, local communities in rebel areas have to pay tax on every
item they trade in and produce, in other words, on almost every form of
income. "This [tax] can be a real burden on us, we are so poor," one local
farmer said.
Most
of the children in Chisapani were born during the rebellion and know no
other life. "Every family has to follow every rule of the Maoists. Life
is very difficult but we have managed to survive. What choice do we have
anyway?" asked Prahlad Basnet, another man from Chisapani.
He
appeared completely worn out and said he felt life for many had got worse
since the Maoists came to stay. "We have less to eat and have to work very
hard to get a square meal," he explained.
Children
in the Maoist-controlled village do not bat an eyelid when female and male
militants walk around, machine guns on their shoulders and strings of hand
grenades tied on their belts. The children gaze disinterestedly as Maoist
militants parade and exercise twice a day.
"All
we want is peace and this war should end. For how long should children
and parents watch each other die?" asked 70 year-old Ramesh Pariyar.
According
to those who live in Chisapani, relations with the 200-odd insurgents who
live around the village are as good as they are mainly because, unlike
in other regions, children have not yet been forced to join the Maoist
military.
The
rebels are involve the community however in other ways, having made it
compulsory for every family to guard sentry posts to watch out for the
security force patrols.
"We
have to stand guard the whole day and night watching over the hills, and
to constantly update the Maoists about any movement," complained Lama,
who feels that this is a very risky task as they could be fired if the
army attacked. "After we get killed, the government will report that we
were terrorists killed by the security forces," he added.
Credit
IRIN 2006
Copyright
© UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs 2006
[
This report does not necessarily reflect the views of the United Nations]
Integrated
Regional Information Networks (IRIN), part of the UN Office for the Coordination
of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA).
|